From Paracas to Nazca

Unit II geographically includes the following periods and cultures of Pre-Columbian Peru:
Early Horizon:
South Coast (Paracas)

Early Intermediate Period:
North Coast(Vicus and Moche)
North Highlands (Recuay)
South Coast(Nazca)

PARACAS

Between 500 B.C. and A.D. 300 on the south coast there existed a civilization of rare artistic gifts. The Paracas culture was centered in the Pisco, Chincha, and Ica River Valleys, but is best known for its burial ground 55 miles away from the Ica Valley on the Paracas Peninsula. This area was used extensively as burial ground. Burials of two major types were identified by Julio Tello, the original excavator of the cemeteries: Cavernas (bottle-shaped chambers) and Necropolis (rectangular depressions lined with stones and adobe bricks). The Cavernas examples date to ca. 500-100 B.C. and contain mummy bundles replete with basketry, gold, and ceramic offerings.

Cavernas ceramics are usually double spout bridge vessels, bowls, and dishes with richly colored resinous paint applied (after firing) over a dark background. Incisions separate color area from color area, giving a relief appearance to the motifs which include Chavinoid felines (this vessel) and an "oculate" trophy head deity with large, bulging eyes. Vessel bottoms are rounded to sit firmly in the south coastal sandy soil.

Whereas ceramics were the forte of the Cavernas stage, Necropolis burials are best known for their textiles. From ca. 200 B.C. to A.D. 200, Paracas dead were wrapped in some of the most magnificent textiles ever produced by man. Virtually every weaving technique known today and nearly 200 variations of hue and value were utilized by the Paracas weavers. The tightness of the cloths (up to 280 weft threads per inch) is incredible, even by contemporary standards. To make these examples all the more amazing, many of the blankets, ponchos and shirts were designed to fit larger than life size mummy bundles and possess weft threads up to 74 miles long. The favorite subject of these complexly designed works are trophy head demons, ecstatic dancing shamans, and puma or jaguar supernaturals wearing gold whisker masks (as in this example), subjects which reappear later in the Nazca culture's ceramics.

This is another fine example of the complex color variations and fineness of weave of Paracas Necropolis textiles.

NORTHERN PERUVIAN EARLY
INTERMEDIATE PERIOD

Vicus potters demonstrate considerable technical expertise in resist ceramics. Centered in the far north of Peru, in the Piura Valley, Vicus has been called a way station in the transference of stylistic influences from neighboring Ecuador to the later Moche culture. Its ceramic subject matter ranges from naturalistic animals to short, large-headed, aquiline-nosed, and coffee bean-eyed humans. Sexual parts are often clearly depicted.

Multiple bottle shapes are common in Vicus. One vessel generally possesses an effigy, as with the feline seen here; the other is painted with geometric ornamentation and is connected by a strap handle (above) and a hollow tube (below).

The wide "coat-hanger" toothy mouths of these felines are typical of Vicus imagery. Notice that the white dots were created using a resist technique. The double vessel shape is similar to the preceeding example.

This Vicus vessel is one of numerous "erotic" pieces. The lack of expression of the participants and their heavily painted body decorations are typical, as are the large aquiline noses and coffee bean eyes.

RECUAY CULTURE

The Recuay culture of the Northern Highlands, like Vicus, dates from the Early Intermediate Period. Recuay pottery characteristically possesses naive-appearing figures. Yet the chunky humans huddling beneath canopies and the small mouse shyly nibbling at the crumb of food (this example ) have a definite charm about them. To give Recuay credit where it is due, more complex vessel shapes, particularly multiple bottles, make their appearance at this time. Most characteristic is a bottle shape with a wide flaring mouth, sprinkled over with designs formed by a wax or clay resist method. With this "negative" technique, the motifs are covered with wax or clay and the vessel is dipped in paint. Where there is no wax or clay overlay, the pigment adheres, thus filling in the background with color and leaving the motifs the natural color of the clay. The Recuay ceramic style derives much of its interest from its painted imagery, rather than the actual vessel form. This is one of several major differences between Recuay and a contemporary northern coastal culture called Moche.

The "crested animal," seen on this vessel's body, is a part-feline, part-cayman with bared teeth. The concentric "C" elongated claws have been identified with the giant anteater by some art historians. Technically, this pot is another example of Recuay "resist" or "negative" ware.

One of the most intriguing of Recuay ceramics, the vessel to the right is possible a scene involving a shamanic journey to the world of the dead. The wrapped figures in the foreground are likely mummies of the deceased ancestors, while the largest figure facing them is the shaman. You might note that the shaman's eyes are done in the resist technique, as is typical of most figures in Recuay ceramics.

Complex architectural vessels with multiple figures are common in Recuay ceramics. Some may be analogous to West Mexican representations of the earthly and underworld realms. The resist technique, the toothy "serpent" with the "target" eye, and the central figure with the toroidal (donut-shaped) headdress are all typical of Recuay.

Although this effigy vessel is from the Recuay culture, it is extremely unusual in representing a combined, part-human and part-animal being. The fanged mouth would appear to be a reference to felines, whereas the rest of the figure seems human. The creature holds a trophy head in its left hand and has a second mouth squarely planted in the back of its neck. Both motifs are echoed in the art of Ecuador and may reflect Ecuadoran Amazonian influences at Recuay.

The so-called "corn popper" type vessel is a delicately constructed form with a handle. As fugitive painting is found in good condition on the bottom of these ceramics, it seems unlikely they were cooking containers. Rather, they may have been used as elite serving vessels or as containers for food of the dead in tombs.

Moche

The Moche civilization is the only northern Peruvian culture yet discussed capable of filling the cultural void left by Chavin's waning power. Moche was an extremely sophisticated and well-organized culture whose influence spread from the Chicama and Moche Valleys in the north all the way to the Casma Valley on the central coast. Its people were enthusiastic builders and engineers. Towns were arranged along grid patterns; corbeled vaults sometimes supported temple roofs; roads crisscrossed their territory; and huge irrigation canals and aqueducts brought water for their fields and cities. Their society was carefully stratified, the upper classes occupying walled hillocks and receiving prerogatives of rich clothing and jewelry, the lower classes tending fields or setting out on balsa rafts to harvest the sea for fish. Massive pyramids of adobe bricks rose from Moche centers, the Pyramid of the Sun in the Moche Valley being the largest of these at 150' high, 1200' long and 450' wide (this photograph). Murals may have been painted on the temple walls of this structure, as they were on the Pyramid of the Moon and at Panamarca, a ceremonial center in the Nepena Valley. Legend has it that the Spaniards diverted the Moche River through the Pyramid of the Sun in order to leach out the precious goldwork buried within. The sad condition of the building lends credence to this legend, as do those examples of Moche metalwork which survived Spanish greed. Hammered gold puma masks, gold bead necklaces, earspools, and nose ornaments, copper death masks and incredibly detailed golden funerary gloves found at other Moche sites, including the recently excavated burial site of Sipan, were doubtlessly similar to grave objects originally associated with the Pyramid of the Sun.

In 1947, William Duncan Strong discovered a rich Moche tomb at the site of Huaca de la Cruz in northern Peru. It contained the burial of a priest king and a young boy (who had apparently been sacrificed to accompany the priest). Staffs, pottery, and a ceremonial digging stick accompanied the deceased. Until the recent excavations at Sipan, this was the finest undisturbed example of Moche elite burial customs.

Moche ceramicists were among the finest masters in Peru. Their vessels show a variety of technique, an assurance of handling, and diversity of subject matter which make them incredibly appealing. Three principal types of ceramics were produced: fully three-dimensional, naturalistic effigy vessels (as in the llama ceramic), mold-made relief examples, and painted forms. This llama effigy was produced in Moche I phase, as evidenced by the heavy rim reinforcement and the naturalistic treatment of the animal.

The florero type Moche vessel is typical of phase IV of this culture's ceramics. This particular example shows on the rim a series of female weavers.

Of the effigy ware, superb portrait heads (see example), and full figure images of warriors are the most striking. These coexist with scenes from daily life (a man trying on a poncho or a woman clutching her child), beautiful, naturalistic water birds and deer, and images stemming from Moche religion and ritual. The portrait heads are a MocheIV diagnostic. They show remarkable individuality of expression, facial features, face painting, and headgear. The focus on the head may reflect a belief that the head is the seat of the soul.

Moche V vessels are recognizable by the "nuttily Baroque" painted motifs over the body of the vessel, the triangular opening of the stirrup and the tapering spout. This vessel depicts one of the more popular Moche themes, the "Presentation" of valuable objects to a priest-king or deity at the top of a long stairway.

In general, the stirrup spouts bearing relief or painted decoration are more active compositionally than the three-dimensional forms, but they share with the effigy ware great thematic variety. In the example to the right, battling bean warriors are shown. Beans may have been used in divination ceremonies to determine propitious times for war; they also likely had fertility connotations and thus were symbols of regeneration and power. The triangular spout opening, horror vacuii, and tapering spout are clues this is from Moche V phase.

The so-called mountain jars are effigy vessels typically depicting the great Moche creator god, Ai Apec. He is seated atop a mountain, often presiding over a prisoner's sacrifice, as in this example. Ai Apec's face appears again and again in Moche ceramics: as a possible guardian of agriculture, domesticated animals, and sea life with sun associations, and as a jaguar-fanged deity of the earth and caves with water/fertility associations. He was so powerful, so omnipotent in the Moche pantheon, that lesser gods are frequently given some of his characteristics.

Ai Apec appears again in this mountain jar. In this case, he is at the top of a wedding cake like mountain whose tiers are ornamented with snail shells and painted felines. The uppermost tier has human figures carrying what may have been implements for divination.

The Moche culture is noted for its erotic ceramics. This one has an odd combination of a skeletized figure, a clothed human, and erotic elements. Perhaps it is meant to suggest the continuance of procreative power in the afterlife, the idea that from death emerges life.

The Moche were fine metallurgists, as well as ceramicists. This is a silver and gold cup in the form of Ai Apec's head.

Little is known about the details of Moche's collapse. Although it seems likely it fell during the gradual expansion of the militaristic Wari culture, recent research has suggested natural catastrophes probably contributed to its downfall.

Nazca

Nazca was an Early Intermediate Period culture centered a couple of hundred miles south of the Paracas Peninsula in southern coastal Peru.

The Nazca people lived in villages located along the river valleys emptying into the upper reaches of the Nazca River. Wattle and daub structures, as well as more impressive conical adobe buildings served as housing. Burials in circular pits and in bottle-shaped graves have been excavated by archaeologists. Though some mummies are textile shrouded and are accompanied by quantities of ceramics, these tombs lack the impressiveness and degree of elaboration evident in Paracas Necropolis burials.

This plan describes Cahuachi, the most important Nazca pilgrimage/ceremonial center. It possessed several pyramid platform-type structures, extensive burials, and what appears to have been a storage area for spondylus shells.

There is one area of artistic endeavor where the Nazca culture created works unmatched by any other Pre-Columbian culture. These are the Nazca lines (geoglyphs), geometric and naturalistic animal and bird images located on the deserts between the valleys of the Nazca River’s tributaries. Dark brown pebbles covering the yellow sandy soil were removed from the surface and piled up to form dark outlines around design patterns in the sand. The motifs range from 1/3 to 5 miles in length. The representational images (spiders, hummingbirds, monkeys, killer whales) may have been offerings to the gods or may refer to various constellations (this example depicts a hummingbird).

This is a monkey design from the Nazca plain.
A recent theory sees the Nazca line designs as pleas to deities controlling rainfall, and suggests they are related to a ceque-like arrangement of sacred spots (huacas).

Some of the geometric patterns that appear on the Nazca plain may line up with the solstice positions of the sun and moon and the rising and setting positions of certain bright stars.

Although Nazca ceramics, with their carefully detailed designs and stylized naturalism, may be considered an advancement over Paracas examples, Nazca textiles are not nearly as complex in design or technique as their Paracas counterparts. Their nubby texture, reduced number of colors, and more limited frequency suggest a lesser emphasis on this art form. The example to the right shows highly stylized whiskered demons that appear to be "rectangularized" versions of Paracas motifs.

The transition from Paracas to Nazca was gradual. Not only do Paracas textile motifs appear in Nazca pottery, but Proto-Nazca ceramics display Paracas-like incisions separating color areas. However, unlike their Cavernas predecessors, Nazca ceramics were painted before firing, and by the time of the mature Nazca culture, the incisions were eliminated. The style which emerged during the Early, Middle, and Late Nazca phases involved a greater variety of colors than Paracas pottery (up to eleven slip colors were used); stylized floral and faunal motifs predominated. This example is an Early Nazca feline. Early Nazca pots are far less cluttered than Late Nazca vessels and the motifs are less stylized (more naturalistic).

This ceramic and the roll-out line drawing of its motif show Early Nazca diagnostic traits: the simplicity of the single design element and the uncrowdedness of the composition.

Later Nazca vessels become increasingly florid, with geometricized representations of vegetation deities and trophy heads (as in this ceramic). The small black "barbed" elements are considered by many to represent trophy head hair. Agricultural fertility was obviously a major Nazca preoccupation.

This is a Late Nazca double spout bridge vessel showing a trophy head hunt. The crowdedness of the painted surface and the proliferation of "horrible bird" (a condor head) and "bloody mouth" (killer whale mouth) motifs are characteristic of this phase.

Around A.D. 700, like Moche to the North, Nazca was inundated by the expanding Wari culture. New styles of clothing, pottery shapes, and motifs begin to appear in the south coast. A new age was dawning: the Middle Horizon.